When Silence is not an option: Grappling with Israel and Antisemitism

Since October 7, whenever we gather with friends or relatives, conversation inevitably turns to three interconnected topics: politics in the United States, Israel, and antisemitism. My intention for rabbiphil.net is to avoid politics as much as possible—not because I lack strong opinions, but because I founded the site as a space for learning, discussion, and questioning, not political debate. If you want to discuss politics, I’m always happy to do so—just not in this forum.

However, Israel and antisemitism are issues I cannot ignore. Perhaps I have delayed writing about them because my thoughts needed time to develop, or perhaps because the situation is so fluid that words can become outdated overnight. Regardless, it is time to address these subjects.

Many know I’m an avid podcast listener, a habit formed during my daily hour-long commute. Each day, I start with “The Daily” and “The Headlines” from the New York Times, followed by several Jewish podcasts. I plan to share my favorite podcasts in a future post and explain why they resonate with me.

As expected, the Jewish podcasts I follow now focus heavily on Israel and antisemitism, or related subjects. Their thoughtfulness has helped me process my own reactions, leading to this post.

The events of October 7th were nothing short of barbaric. In the immediate aftermath, most of the world supported Israel’s right to defend itself. Israelis—and world observers—were wounded and shaken by the brutality. Every country in the world would have responded as Israel did, if not more forcefully. Imagine if a Mexican drug cartel invaded the US, murdered 41,300 Americans, and took 8,700 hostages—America would undoubtedly declare war.

As the war continued, it became clear—at least to those able to tune out the surrounding noise—that Israel was waging a just war. The IDF, caught completely off-guard, needed to restore deterrence, and Hamas had to be confronted decisively. The same was true on the northern front once Hezbollah became involved; today, Hezbollah is a shadow of its former self.

The situation in Gaza, however, grew more complicated. Most hostages eventually returned home—some alive, others tragically not—but around 50 remain. Despite opportunities for their release, Prime Minister Netanyahu has balked under pressure from his far-right coalition partners, driven by political necessity rather than strategic logic. Without their support, his government would collapse. Netanyahu’s political survival—especially given his ongoing corruption trial—has led him to prioritize staying in power over resolving the crisis in Gaza.

It seems clear to me that Israel’s continued presence in Gaza now serves mainly to preserve Netanyahu’s government. Hamas, while not entirely destroyed, can no longer launch meaningful attacks and will be watched closely in the future. There is no strategic justification to stay. The devastation in Gaza is vast; rebuilding will cost billions, and the suffering is immense.

Though I believe Netanyahu has gone too far, I do not accept the accusation that a genocide is occurring. Genocide implies a deliberate attempt to annihilate a people. While the consequences are tragic, Israel’s intent is not extermination.

Netanyahu must summon the courage to do what is needed to rescue the remaining hostages, even if it costs him his position. If saving lives means losing office, so be it. This would have salvaged his legacy—instead, he now risks being remembered for shame and failure.

This brings me to antisemitism, a topic deeply entwined with the conflict in Israel. Antisemitism is the oldest hatred, and while it may have seemed to recede in American society for a time, recent events have brought it back into the open. Antisemitism never truly disappeared (the attacks at Tree of Life and Poway occurred years before October 7), but it went underground.

Now it is front and center once more. The recent attacks in DC and Colorado have shown that the war in Israel has given some people permission to express antisemitism openly. The logic that “all Jews support Israel, so it’s acceptable to hate Jews” has emerged. This is simply a resurgence of ancient hatred—antisemitism had not vanished; it was just less visible.

Some will argue, “We’re not antisemitic, just anti-Israel.” This distinction can exist—a person can criticize Israel’s policies without being an antisemite. I’ve made clear my own criticisms of the Netanyahu government. However, when two young Jews are murdered simply for leaving a Jewish event, this is antisemitism, not political protest. Singling out Jews for who they are, not what they believe, is antisemitism, plain and simple.

Denying Israel’s right to exist as a state is also antisemitic. Criticizing Israeli policy is fair; delegitimizing the very existence of the Jewish state is not. Some claim to be “anti-Zionist,” but at its core, Zionism is the belief in Jewish self-determination in the ancestral homeland. To deny this right to Jews, when no other nation’s right is questioned, is antisemitic. Double standards abound—consider the United Nations’ disproportionate focus on Israel compared to nations with far worse records, or the marginalization of Jews in progressive spaces, despite Israel’s advances in equality and rights. These double standards are themselves a form of antisemitism.

In conclusion, these are challenging times—for Israel, for Jews around the world, and for anyone who values truth and justice. Honest criticism is vital, but let us be clear-eyed about the dangers of hatred disguised as discourse. Our responses, whether on political, religious, or ethical grounds, must be rooted in integrity and compassion. Silence and indifference only embolden those who would spread hate. My hope for rabbiphil.net is to foster thoughtful conversation, encourage learning, and provide a space where difficult questions can be asked—and answered—with courage and respect.